My story's quite usual, local girl makes good, weds famous man
I was slap in the right place at the perfect time
Filled a gap--I was lucky
But one thing I'll say for me
No one else can fill it like I can.
--Evita

Legitimate at Last

On October 22nd, Perón, Eva, Mercante, and Juan Duarte all went to Junín for the civil ceremony that would legalize their two-year-old relationship. While there, Eva planted the false birth certificate in the files and listed her age as twenty-three on the marriage license (she was twenty-six), and the couple went off for a brief honeymoon before beginning the presidential campaign. No marriage in Argentina is complete without the full Catholic church ceremony, so they went to La Plata in December for the final nuptuals. The whole event was kept very quiet, perhaps in the hope that people could be convinced that they had been married long before this time.

Eva sandwiched grass-roots campaign trips into her already busy schedule on the radio and in the cinema. She had finished one film, La cabalgata del circo (Circus Cavalcade), and was working on a costume epic, La prodiga (The Spendthrift), which was primarily remembered for the dissention on set between Eva and the producer. Raw film stock was then under government control, and Perón brought their allotment to the set every day, making it clear to everyone that Eva was vital to the production.

La prodiga was never released, because Eva was already first lady by the time post-production work was finished, so the producer delivered the only print to Perón as an inauguration day present. By this time, Eva had found her true calling in politics. If there was ever a perfect match between job and applicant, this was it. She reveled in all the activities; she hung off the rear of trains, kissed babies, gave money to the poor and sweets to children. People in remote corners of the country walked for days to see thls small town girl who made good--a waif from the pampas who was now dressed by designers, draped in mink, her jewels flashing in the summer sun. The poor identified with what she had been, and hoped to become what she was now.

The campaign may have been dirty by democratic standards, but it was quite ordinary in Argentine eyes. The opposition had been allowed to meet openly, but they were harrassed and bullied by the police as well as by ardent peronistas. On election day, February 24th, the country was quiet while all adult male Argentines went to the polls (voting is compulsory), and it was the first relatively honest election in many decades. Perón came away with fifty-six percent of the popular vote, and a two-thirds majority in the electoral college. One last minute event helped Perón in his victory; Spruille Braden, former ambassador from the United States, supervised the assembly of facts and publication of a "Blue Book" which revealed items about the government of the 1943 coup and their alleged Nazi connections. This "Blue Book" so incensed the nationalistic Argentines that anti-American feeling swept the country. Banners went up crying, "Perón, Yes! Braden, No!" and many people voted for Perón simply to vote against American interference in their affairs.

Perón had virtually ruled Argentina long before his inauguration 4 June 1946, and his term as president-elect was the time when he passed masses of legislation making it possible for him to begin operations in earnest the day he was sworn in. For example, there were nearly 8,000 decrees passed between his reinstatement in October of 1945 and late December. Decree No. 33,302, passed in December proved to be the single most popular law with the working classes. It was inspired by the generosity of one company toward its employees and it became mandatory for all: every worker was to receive a Christmas bonus of a month's pay. This alguinaldo was, naturally, greeted with horror by the employers, and the Supreme Court nearly suceeded in overturning the decree. A battle began, with the workers and Perón eventually winning, only ending when all five of the justices were either impeached or retired.

In March, Perón decided to consolidate the three parties which had put him into office. Thus the Pardido unico was formed out of the Pardido laborista (labor party), the Pardido independiente (independents), and the Union civica radical renovada (the renovated radicals). The top men in each original party were stripped of their power, and hounded or forced to hand in their resignations.

During the last two weeks of May, just prior to his inauguration, Perón issued decrees that provided labor with social security and workman’s compensation, created an export price control board, and a national housing office. He also nationalized the country's main bank and shifted a number of governmental departments including the Subsecretariat of Information so that they were now under direct presidential control. He rewarded Velazco for his part in the October 17th events by greatly increasing the powers of the federal police. Two days after taking office, Perón issued a general amnesty for all political prisoners, but it was quietly rescinded one month later.

Eva and the CGT

Eva moved into Perón's old office at the Secretariat of Labor and continued to control communication through her friend Nicolini. The official labor secretary, José María Freise, was chosen as a front man for Eva's work with the CGT which included purging the organization of all anti-peronists and eliminating any man with enough leadership to threaten Perón.

When she first walked into the CGT, it had limited power and co-existed with the many independent and small local unions which were not part of the umbrella organization. By 1951, there would be few of these left, and almost none of the self-made men who had been labor leaders prior to 1943. Though she claimed to only occupy a "small sector" of the CGT, her influence spread rapidly from union to union. Perón is not often given credit for his astute use of Eva in his dictatorship. Her talents were immediately put to use in the areas where they could be most effective, and once decided, Perón gave her a free hand. An observer at this time was British ambassador Sir John Balfour, and he says he saw them as "a sort of popular vaudeville act, with Perón as stage manager and Eva as the leading actress. Perón was by no means a cypher, because he was able to judge any given situation; down-to-earth, cynical and realistic; so he put her on the stage."

Though she received more notice for her work in social aid, Eva told Sir John that her main interest was the trade unions, building them up and centralizing them. To do this, she installed José Espijo (once the manager of her apartment building), as secretary general of the CGT. He may have been unqualified, but he was loyal, and owed his high position and large salary to Eva's generosity. But her complete success in the masculine world of labor was not to be duplicated whenever she tried to assume duties more traditional for the wife of the president.

The Sociedad de beneficencia, a long-established charitable organization lead by the cream of Buenos Aires society, usually asked the president's wife to becone their honorary president. Eva was still unsure of herself socially, and wanted this recognition of her position very much. As the months passed and they did not ask her, she made overtures to some of the members. One year after the inauguration, she was still waiting. She became convinced that she was not elegant enough for their circles, and began to order her clothes and jewels from Paris and insisted she be addressed as Doña María Eva Duarte de Perón. But outward evidence of position could not cover up Eva's years as a struggling actress. The oligarchs firmly believed the stories about her activities as a prostitute in Buenos Aires and Junín, and they sneered at each of Eva's social gaffes. She simply was not a woman they wanted to entertain in their homes, even if she was la presidenta.

So, when Franco invited Eva to come to Spain in 1947 to receive their highest decoration (the Grand Cross of Isabel the Catholic), she realized that there was also the possibility of receiving a Papal Marquisate for her social aid work and--for the oligarchs--these credentials would have been impossible to ignore. So, Eva assembled her entourage, a wardrobe fit for a Hollywood film star, jewels worthy of a maharani's collection, and left for Europe on June 6, 1947.

The Rainbow of Argentina

Eva took Spain by storm; she was met and surrounded by huge crowds in a massive government-organized demonstration. The enthusiasm of the people seemed genuine, and she was cheered, decorated, and feted from one end of the country to the other. It was an auspicious start, but a sad one too, because the outpouring of affection she received in Spain would not be duplicated elsewhere. She was booed in Italy. Rome had too recently been freed from fascism, and the cries of "Perón! Perón!" were too reminiscent of the Mussolini chant. Perón's southern version of fascism was not too popular in Italy, nor were all the stories of Eva's falangist salutes and enthusiasm for Franco's government in Spain. The Italians needed Argentina's money and wheat, but they were not going grovel to get it. The disastrous first reception was officially apologized for, and the rest of her stay proceeded without further incident. The high point was supposed to be the Papal visit, but it did not live up to her expectations. She was granted the minimum thirty-minute minute audience, and received no award for herself and only a decoration for Perón. Former president Justo had been awarded the top Papal honor, and a former president of the Sociedad de beneficencia had received a Marquisate.

Her last bid to gain entrance to high society and compete with the oligarchs on their own terms had failed, and she went on to Milan and Rapallo. When she broadcast over a world-wide radio program, a new militancy was creeping into her words. No longer was she merely a wife on a good-will tour, she wanted to be recognized for her own achievements too, announcing that "Evita" had become a rallying cry for all the women in the world. This was a substantial change from her declaration in Spain that she was merely a "rainbow between our two countries."

Perón broaacast that same day, with an announcement of a forthcoming plan for the economic independence of Argentina, and said that human rights would be a vitally important issue in his government.

The first lady's itinerary was still in doubt, and negotiations continued for a visit to England. It was announced on July 4th that Eva and her party would travel to London on the fifteenth. Since the royal family was scheduied to leave that day for a holiday at Balmorral, rumors circulated that the trip was off because Eva was insulted at not being invited to stay at Buckingham Palace. Invitations to the parties and balls being planned by the reception committee were held back, pending notification from the Perón party.

However, Eva was ill, and her secretary announced that her plans "depended entirely on her health--she is suffering from grippe as well as fatigue." On the eleventh, it was announced that Eva would not go to England on the 15th, but that there was a possibility of a visit later in the month. Regrets for the delay and renewals of their original invitations came from Lord Davidson (who headed the reception committee) and the Queen mother. The diplomatic colony wns anxious to meet the woman who had caused such a stir in Spain.

The heat wave that summer touched all of Europe, and Eva suffered its effects, but there must have been something else wrong. First, she put in twenty-hour days dashing from reception to reception, then she was in seclusion at one of the chalets belonging to Alberto Dodero, a wealthy shipowner in her entourage. She made a strange juggernaut across Europe, going from Madrid to Barcelona to Rome then to Milan and back to Rome. From there, she reached Paris via Lisbon--an odd route. There were many days during this period which remain unaccounted for, often covered by the story of her recuperation. In Buenos Aires, a story circulated at the time that Eva had gone to one of the clinics in Italy or Switzerland to have an abortion, and that the doctors discovered cancer then.

Although it is impossible to confirm or deny this story, the fact remains that Eva emerged from several weeks of "rest" looking very ill indeed and barely managed to be present at the most important events of her Paris stay. After one particularly busy day, she retired to her hotel, cancelled the rest of her program including a radio broadcast, and then left for the French Riviera and Switzerland. England was out now, with no reason given for the cancellation of her visit. The trip to London would have been easy from Paris, and the royal family was back in residence at Buckingham Palace on the 26th, but Eva went to Berne and Geneva instead.

She managed enough strength to make one appearance in each city, but was pelted with rocks in one and had tomatoes thrown at her in the other. The government apologized and attributed the acts to a group of young communists. Eva went into seculsion yet again, emerging only to make the long trip home via Lisbon, Dakar and Rio de Janeiro. She made an appearance at the Inter-American Joint Defense Conference in Rio, but had little part in the proceedings. She stopped in the Dominican Republic to accept a decoration, and then went to Montevideo in order to catch the ship for home.

Time Magazine in America published an insulting cartoon of a jewel-bedecked Eva on her return, which caused the irate first lady to ban the magazine in Argentina.

The airport was too small to hold the throngs of descamisados, and the harbor was determined to be more appropriate for a lavish homecoming, so Eva sailed in, with flags flying, draped in mink and diamonds. She waved, wept, and shouted at the crowd, and Perón embraced her to the howling approval of her people.

The political agitation in crowds along her journey was forgotton, and after all, she had been front-page news for the whole summer in Europe. She had been received by the top officials in every country she visited, and had brought Argentina's name into world prominence. The adulation on her homecoming was fitting, and she must have been very glad to be home.

Power and Propaganda

Travel is supposed to be broadening, and there is no doubt that Eva Perón changed dramatically after her experiences in Europe. She had been an active participant in the government before her trip, but her work had been limited to carrying out Perón's plans and the establishment of a loyal and obligated power base around him. Most of her time had been spent with the union, using persuasion and force where necessary to bring them in line with Perón's ideas.

It cannot be over-emphasized that her success in this masculine world was nothing short of miraculous. No threats and no amount of fear could have induced so many men to respect--even admire--Eva in this position, if she had not shown them a quick intelligence. an unfailing grasp of their own priorities, and a deep belief in Perón's plan for a "New Argentina."

Before she left for Europe, Perón had been the one in the spotlight, and Eva insisted on his wearing the white summer uniform so he would stand out among the others in photographs. He was now much more confident in front of crowds, and turned frequently to Eva's favorite medium, the radio, broadcasting 116 times during 1947. But Perón was astute enough to realize that his position as el lider was more effective when he maintained a regal distance from the people, so he left the bulk of the microphone work to his wife after she returned.

Eva herself was the most powerful and exaggerated piece of propaganda the regime had. It seemed as though every move she made was reported and photographed. Her personal style turned even a mundane meeting into a big event. She would arrive--overdressed, laden with jewels and swathed in mink--preceeded by bodyguards, photogaphers and flunkies. Her hairstyles were slavishly copied, her closets were obligitary stops for touring dignitaries and the faithful, and her own daily newspaper devoted pages to photographs of Eva from the events of the day before. The readers clamored for even more, wanting to see every outfit worn by their first lady.

All that political upheaval over the control of communications in Argentina before Perón became president paid off afterwards. The state controlled all the radio stations and the Perón owned all or part of fourteen newspapers and dozens of magazines, a press bureau, and a public relations agency. Between 1949 and early 1951, the amount of propaganda material issued by these agencies boggles the mind:

2,132 posters
14,404,000 folders
2,859,000 photos of the Peróns
6,747,000 photo postcards
252,745 volumes of justicilist literature
1,272,000 billboards
5,551,000 leaflets
90,000 small handbills
91,000 insignias.

During 1952, there were more than 5 million pamphlets, posters, postcards and photos printed, and in the final two years of the regime, amounts were easily twice that. Additional party propaganda included flags with the party crest, match boxes with photos of Juan and Eva, pens and pencils with party slogans, childrens toys and games with political themes, ash trays, mate gourds, scarves, diaries and wallets.

A loyal party member could buy portraits for their walls, small or lifesize busts of the first couple, charm bracelets with little Juans and Evas dangling from the links, tie tacks, recordings of speeches and unimaginable other material.

But the everlasting symbol of the regime would always be the rallies--always on October 17, the party’s biggest holiday--as well as various other times. The crowds would work themselves into a mass frenzy, confronted by mammoth portraits of the president and his wife, slogans in 20-foot-high letters, plaza-wide banners of idealized workers, flags, bunting, and march songs. Earlier in the day, there were pseudo-cultural events including ballets illustrating some aspect of Perón’s latest legislation, choruses and orchestras performed the latest stirring Peronist songs, and there were speeches by distinguished citizens. One participant said, "There was no way not to get caught up in the mood of the crowd. Perón had only to come onto the balcony and yell ‘Compañeros!’ and the people would go wild. Everyone had their own favorite word or phrase which would set them off."

The regime grew paranoid as time wore on, and Eva (noted for her lack of a sense of humor) could be the most vindictive of all. She had a network of informers--mostly servants--who would report what was said about the party in the dining rooms of the wealthy; arrests often followed. The oligarchs tried to retaliate against Eva, who they thought gaudy, tasteless, classless and unfit to live in the presidential palace, located in the middle of their high-tone neighborhood. They told stories, circulated scandalous leaflets and photos, but to little effect.

But the rallies were only a couple of times a year and night after night, it was Eva’s voice on the radio that kept the regime in power. Her career in radio ironically had prepared her well for public life and she was on the air hundreds of times every year. The big events may have gotten the most attention, but it was her constant presence in their homes which seduced the people. While the rallies and union meetings permitted two-way communication (albeit controlled and limited), radio was a one-way medium which made it all the more insidious. Only one of the rallies was televised (the one on October 17, 1951), but there were so few TV sets in Argentina then that it had little impact. It was--ever and always--Eva’s earthy voice penetrating into even the furthest reaches of the country which motivated people to stay loyal to Perón.

It’s obvious that Peronism could not have become as popular or survived as long as it did without its propaganda machine or Eva herself--a one-woman media marvel.

Go to: Chapter 5. COMPAÑERA EVITA (1947-1951)

Bibliography



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Text© 1980, 1999 by Sylvia Stoddard